Ethnic Polarization Surges in Bolivia as Interim President Takes Power
Indigenous activists carry the Wiphala flag, instituted by former-president Morales to symbolize the diversity of indigenous culture in Bolivia. (Wikimedia)
Jeanine Áñez Chaves, the opposition leader of Bolivia’s Senate assumed the presidency on November 13 following the resignation of Evo Morales. Her appointment was certified by Bolivia’s Constitutional Court, and Áñez vowed to hold elections for a permanent government soon.
While the 52-year-old conservative received an endorsement from Bolivia’s police and military forces, her assumption of the presidency has caused an increase in political polarization in the country.
In her first public ceremony as president, Áñez stressed the importance of “reconstructing democracy” and “pacifying the country.'' She added, “We want to be a democratic tool of inclusion and unity.”
On November 14, Áñez swore in her transitional cabinet, which did not include a single indigeneous person, despite the fact that 40 percent of Bolivia’s population belongs to one of 36 different indigeneous groups. Political scientists suggest that with this composition, Áñez doesn’t demonstrate a commitment to healing the country’s deep ethnic and political divide.
With the ousting of Morales, the nation’s first indigenous president, an increase in resentment among the indegnous population has further complicated the political crisis. Some national police officers have even ripped off the indigenous insignia on their uniforms. Supporters of Áñez burned indigeneous flags during protests against Morales. Many consider these actions unsurprising as Áñez has previously posted racist tweets.
These actions have both outraged and caused great fear for the indigenous population of Bolivia. “They don’t represent us, they reject us,” said Juan Acume, a farmer and activist of the Quechua group. “We feel threatened.”
After the outrage over her initial cabinet, Áñez appointed Martha Yujra Apaza, a member of an indigenous group, as the culture and tourism minister. In this secondary appointment, Áñez stated, “It’s important to preserve our cultural practices of our Bolivian people because they enrich the national identity.”
However, many members of the indigenous community, including Morales, dismiss this as merely a public relations act and insist that the interim president will only exacerbate the deep ethnic tensions in the political crisis.
These tensions manifested into violent clashes on November 15 when thousands of indigenous coca growers marched on Cochabamba, where Morales was very popular. This outburst was rooted in the growing tensions and mistreatment toward indigenous groups amid the recent unrest in the country.
Tensions between the ruling elite and indigenous population have simmered in the past, dating back to the Spanish colonial period. A Bolivian political scientist, Diego von Vacano, compared race relations in the country to “the apartheid system in South Africa, with Indigenous people being second class citizens.”
For many indigenous groups, Morales’ rise to power represented great progress. The former-president redistributed the country’s natural gas wealth to native communities, displayed indigenous food and culture in a national setting, and instituted a secondary flag of the country. This flag, called the Whipala, symbolizes the diverse indigenous groups of the country through its multicolored pattern. While some in the indigenous community charged Morales with exploiting the country’s ethnic divide to create a political base, Morales started a needed program of recognition and progress for the indigeneous community.
To many, Áñez, a religious conservative who was sworn in next to a “huge open Bible and crucifix,” represents a dangerous break from the progress under Morales.
“They have burned our flag; they have laughed at our culture. This is racism; this is discrimination,” said Alfonso Coque, an indigenous coca grower. “We will give our lives for our rights.”